Policing
CIVIL RIGHTS DIVISION’S
FOUNDATIONAL APPROACH
From Reconstruction through the aftermath of the Rodney King beating and beyond, the Civil Rights Division served as a federal backstop for law enforcement accountability. Through criminal prosecutions and civil pattern or practice enforcement, the Division secured reforms that protect vulnerable communities and promote constitutional policing, public trust, and public safety.
CIVIL RIGHTS DIVISION'S FOUNDATIONAL APPROACH
The Department of Justice has historically played a critical role in holding law enforcement officers accountable for violations of constitutional and federal law. The Civil Rights Division has long pursued criminal prosecutions of law enforcement officials who willfully violated constitutional rights. Beginning in 1994, Congress expanded the Division’s authority to include civil actions addressing systemic misconduct in state and local law enforcement agencies. Together, these criminal and civil enforcement authorities serve to remedy unlawful conduct, vindicate the rule of law, promote institutional accountability, and build public trust.
Pattern or Practice Statute: 34 U.S.C. § 12601
In 1991, footage of Los Angeles police officers beating Rodney King, an unarmed Black man, aired on national television, sparking public outrage. Congress then focused its attention on gaps in federal law that left systemic police abuses largely unchecked. While the Civil Rights Division could—and did—criminally prosecute individual officers for wrongdoing, it lacked the authority to force police departments to make changes necessary to prevent and address misconduct.
To fill this gap, in 1994, Congress empowered the Department of Justice to file lawsuits against state or local governments whose law enforcement agencies engage in a “pattern or practice” of conduct that violates the Constitution or federal law.
Since 1994, the Division has used that law (now codified at 34 U.S.C. § 12601) to investigate roughly 85 law enforcement agencies across the country, focusing on issues like unjustified police shootings and other unlawful uses of force; discrimination on the basis of race, ethnicity, national origin, and gender; and illegal stops and searches. The Division has also investigated a range of other issues, from discrimination against people with behavioral health disabilities to retaliation against people exercising their First Amendment rights.
The Division has historically approached this work with diligence and integrity, recognizing that police officers have difficult and dangerous jobs while following the facts and the law to expose abuses of power. To assess an agency’s practices, investigators examined police reports, department policies, complaints, internal investigations, and body-camera video of police encounters. They participated in ride-alongs with officers, observed training, interviewed department leaders, and met with affected community members. They also collaborated with statistical experts who analyzed the agency’s data and consulted with nationally recognized law enforcement leaders who understand firsthand the challenges officers face.
Where these careful investigations revealed systemic violations of the Constitution or federal law, the Division generally released a public report describing the legal and factual basis for its findings.
In addition to (or in conjunction with) its pattern or practice authority under 34 U.S.C. § 12601, the Division has addressed discrimination by law enforcement under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits recipients of federal financial assistance from engaging in discrimination on the basis of race, color, or national origin in their programs and activities, either through pattern or practice investigations or as standalone discrimination matters. Similarly, the Division has enforced Title II of the Americans with Disabilities Act to address discrimination against people with disabilities in law enforcement programs, services, and activities. Read more about the Division’s disability work.
Separately, the Division has enforced Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 to prohibit discrimination by law enforcement agencies in their capacity as employers. Read more about the Division’s employment work.
Systemic Reform Agreements and Enforcement
When the Civil Rights Division’s pattern or practice investigations have revealed systemic violations of federal law, the Division has worked with the law enforcement agency to agree on reforms that eliminate the root causes of those violations. These reforms have included revising policies to conform with constitutional and federal law requirements, many of which are consistent with the principles of 21st-century policing; strengthening training to ensure officers have the tools and skills needed to serve the public effectively and fairly; improving supervision; establishing meaningful systems to investigate complaints and hold officers accountable; and collecting data to promote transparency and oversight.
Typically, these commitments have been memorialized in consent decrees or other agreements that not only protect people’s rights but also promote public trust and public safety, with compliance often independently monitored and publicly reported to ensure accountability and transparency. As law enforcement agencies implemented the resulting reforms over several years, the Division has stayed engaged to ensure they were effective. For example, the conclusions of the agreements in Seattle and Albuquerque in 2025 reflected substantial, court-recognized improvements in policies, practices, and accountability systems.
The Division has entered into and worked to enforce dozens of consent decrees and other reform agreements with law enforcement agencies since 1994. Read DOJ’s 2017 report on its pattern or practice work.
Amidst ongoing and renewed calls for police reform, working to prevent police misconduct and hold law enforcement accountable for systemic violations remains vitally important today.
Criminal Prosecutions: 18 U.S.C. § 242
In addition to its pattern or practice civil investigations, the Civil Rights Division also criminally prosecutes individual law enforcement officers under 18 U.S.C. § 242, a Reconstruction-era statute that makes it a federal crime for anyone acting under “color of law” to willfully deprive someone of rights secured by the Constitution or federal law. Under this statute, the Department has brought some of the most consequential civil rights prosecutions in the nation’s history. During the civil rights era, the Division used its criminal civil rights authority to prosecute state and local officials involved in racially motivated violence, including in the federal case arising from the 1964 murders of civil rights workers James Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwerner in Mississippi. Decades later, the Division indicted the officers who beat Rodney King in 1991, convicting two at trial. More recently, the Division secured convictions against the officers involved in the murder of George Floyd in 2020, including convictions for failing to intervene to protect Mr. Floyd against another officer’s violence.
Section 242 applies to anyone acting under color of law, including local, state, and federal law enforcement officials. Because federal law enforcement agencies conduct street-level enforcement less frequently than state and local agencies, prosecutions of federal officers under Section 242 are relatively rare and most commonly involve violations of the rights of individuals in custodial settings, particularly within the Federal Bureau of Prisons. When credible allegations of serious misconduct by federal law enforcement officers do arise, however, matters are typically referred to the Division’s prosecutors, given their unique expertise and longstanding role in investigating and prosecuting law enforcement misconduct.
These criminal prosecutions play a critical role in assuring the public that law enforcement who intentionally violate the law can be held individually accountable.
Read more about the Division’s criminal civil rights prosecutions.
WHAT’S CHANGED SINCE
JANUARY 20, 2025?
Civil Rights Division political leadership has retreated from police accountability while repurposing its civil authority to pursue Second Amendment claims. Dismissing cases, closing investigations into unconstitutional policing, and declining to investigate serious uses of force abandon vulnerable communities, leave widespread misconduct unaddressed, and erode trust in the Department’s credibility and the rule of law.
WHAT'S CHANGED SINCE JANUARY 20, 2025?
Withdrawing from Police Accountability
Beginning in early 2025, the Civil Rights Division undertook a fundamental shift in its use of the pattern or practice statute, withdrawing from longstanding police accountability work while redeploying that authority toward priorities largely untethered from its traditional civil rights mission.
On April 28, 2025, President Trump signed an executive order ordering the Attorney General to “review all ongoing Federal consent decrees, out-of-court agreements, and post-judgment orders to which a State or local law enforcement agency is a party and modify, rescind, or move to conclude such measures that unduly impede the performance of law enforcement functions.” The executive order also promised to “defend law enforcement officers wrongly accused and abused by State or local officials” and stated that the Trump Administration would “work to ensure that law enforcement officers across America focus on ending crime, not pursuing harmful, illegal race- and sex-based ‘equity’ policies.” Read more on the Division’s approach to racial discrimination.
Consistent with that order, on May 21, 2025, the Division moved to dismiss its lawsuits in Minneapolis and Louisville –cases that sought to remedy systemic misconduct uncovered by thorough investigations and prevent the kinds of abuses that led to the deaths of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor. On the same day, the Division announced it had closed the investigations and withdrawn its public findings reports in Minneapolis, Louisville, and six other jurisdictions where the Division had found that law enforcement agencies had systematically violated people’s rights under the Constitution, Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and/or the Americans with Disabilities Act.
The Division’s press release asserted that the findings and proposed decrees were based on “flawed methodologies and incomplete data” and lacked “a legally or factually adequate basis.” Yet in taking the highly unusual step of publicly repudiating its own investigative work and, by extension, the work of career staff who served across administrations, the Division did not identify the methodologies it deemed flawed or what data it deemed incomplete. As a result, the factual and legal basis for the reversals, if any, remains unclear.
In practical terms, the Division’s decision to withdraw from the cases and close the investigations foreclosed federal legal recourse, ended federal partnership in reforming those law enforcement agencies, and repudiated the role Congress assigned the Department: to serve as a federal backstop when state and local systems fail to protect constitutional rights. By walking away, the Division left residents in seven cities and one state without the safeguards, accountability, and deterrence Congress intended federal civil rights enforcement to provide.
In addition, the Division joined with the City of New Orleans in seeking to terminate that consent decree before completion of the court-approved two-year off-ramp adopted in January 2025. By contrast, in other jurisdictions, like Seattle and Albuquerque, the Division has permitted consent decrees to conclude when federal oversight resulted in durable institutional reforms, public accountability, and court-approved findings that constitutional policing standards had been meaningfully achieved.
The Division has walked back and walked away from criminal cases, including by moving to dismiss a case with no stated reason, and by seeking just one day (as time served) for the former Louisville Metro Police Department officer convicted by a jury for using excessive force after he blindly fired 10 shots through a covered window into Breonna Taylor’s home. Read about those cases below.
The Division has also dismissed employment discrimination cases related to policing, further narrowing the scope of its traditional civil rights enforcement in the law enforcement context.
Repurposing the Pattern or Practice Statute for Political Objectives
The Civil Rights Division has redirected its pattern or practice authority away from police accountability toward enforcement priorities closely aligned with its political objectives.
The Division has used the statute to advance Second Amendment litigation consistent with a 2025 executive order, including by creating a new Section within the Division devoted to Second Amendment enforcement. It also opened an investigation targeting a prosecutorial policy intended to address racial disparities and sought to expand the scope of an existing police consent decree to pursue matters unrelated to the decree’s original constitutional violations in ways that appear motivated by political objectives.
18 U.S.C. § 242 and the Accountability Gap Created by the Expansion of Federal Street-Level Policing
Although the Civil Rights Division lacks authority under its civil pattern or practice statute to investigate federal law enforcement agencies, the Division’s retreat from state and local police accountability has occurred alongside a marked expansion of federal law enforcement into street-level policing, particularly in connection with immigration enforcement. Federal officers have played an increasingly aggressive role in law enforcement operations, including in crowd control and protest response, raising serious concerns about excessive force and infringements on the First Amendment rights of demonstrators and journalists. Federal agencies have also quietly adopted sweeping new tactics, like authorizing immigration officers to enter people’s homes by force without a judicial warrant.
In November 2025, a federal court in Illinois issued a preliminary injunction protecting protesters and members of the press in Chicago following aggressive federal enforcement actions. Yet even as the Trump Administration has shifted federal law enforcement toward street-level policing—and deployed federal immigration officers and National Guard troops to American cities, at times with deadly consequences—the Division does not appear to be investigating aggressive uses of force by federal officers under its criminal civil rights authority.
Rather than affirmatively assuring the public that unlawful force will be independently reviewed and, where appropriate, prosecuted—or announcing the initiation of investigations—the Administration has restricted access to information needed for state-level review, offered noncredible, premature, and conflicting accounts of incidents, and publicly praised officer conduct that, at a minimum, raises serious questions about tactics, training, and supervision. The absence of visible federal accountability sends a message that unlawful force will go unchecked, weakening deterrence and eroding public trust in law enforcement—outcomes that ultimately undermine public safety. As one former Division prosecutor who explained the history and role of 18 U.S.C. § 242 prosecutions warned, “DOJ’s current abdication of responsibility puts communities at needless risk and undermines the rule of law itself.”
In January 2026, the Division reportedly declined to investigate fatal shootings by federal officers in Minneapolis of two American citizens, Renee Good and Alex Pretti. Bystander video raised questions about the lawfulness of the force used. Although the Department eventually opened an investigation into Pretti’s killing with limited or nonexistent Division involvement, its decision not to pursue an investigation into Good’s death or other problematic incidents raises concerns about independence, credibility, and accountability in cases involving federal law enforcement. Read more about the Pretti investigation.
The federal response following these deaths not only calls into question whether the government can hold its own officers accountable, but whether it is interfering with state and local government officials who could.
Tracking the Changes
Policing Cases Shut Down Since January 20, 2025
Red Line does not include every Civil Rights Division case. Learn what Red Line tracks.
Investigation of the City of Trenton, New Jersey and the Trenton Police Department
On November 21, 2024, following a 13-month investigation, the Civil Rights Division announced its findings that the City of Trenton and the Trenton Police Department engaged in a pattern or practice of using excessive force and conducting stops, searches, and arrests without reasonable suspicion or probable cause. Deficiencies in training, supervision, policy, and accountability contributed to the department’s unlawful conduct. The report laid out initial recommendations to address these violations.
On May 21, 2025, the Division issued a press release abruptly retracting the findings of its investigation.
Investigation of the City of Phoenix, Arizona and the Phoenix Police Department
On June 13, 2024, following a multi-year investigation, the Civil Rights Division announced its findings that the City of Phoenix and the Phoenix Police Department routinely used excessive force; unlawfully detained, cited and arrested people experiencing homelessness; discriminated against Black, Hispanic, and Native American people; violated the rights of people engaged in protected speech; and discriminated against people with behavioral health disabilities.
Persistent problems with the department’s policies, training, supervision, and accountability systems contributed to these violations. The report laid out initial recommendations for reforms to address these violations and improve public safety. A local news affiliate closely examined and turned the 126-page findings report into a video report.
On May 21, 2025, the Division issued a press release abruptly retracting the findings of its investigation.
Read more about this case in Red Line’s Disability section.
United States v. City of Minneapolis
25-cv-00048 (D. Minn.)
On June 16, 2023, following a multi-year investigation, the Civil Rights Division announced its findings that the City of Minneapolis and the Minneapolis Police Department (MPD) systemically used excessive force, discriminated against Black and Native American people, violated the rights of people engaged in protected speech, and discriminated against people with behavioral health disabilities.
The Division found that persistent deficiencies in MPD’s accountability systems, training, supervision, and officer wellness programs contributed to the violations. The investigation was opened in the aftermath of George Floyd’s murder by an MPD officer.
To remedy the identified violations, the Division and the City negotiated a consent decree (see fact sheet), which the Division announced had been filed in federal court on January 6, 2025.
On May 21, 2025, the Division abruptly reversed course. It unilaterally moved to dismiss the case and withdrew its support of the proposed consent decree. That same day, the Division issued a press release retracting the findings of its investigation. Minneapolis opposed the Division’s motion to dismiss, writing in its court filing that the Division’s position amounted to a reversal in which “up is down.” On May 27, 2025, the court granted the Division’s motion and dismissed the case with prejudice, bringing federal oversight to an end despite the City’s continued support for the decree.
Read more about this case in Red Line’s Disability section.
United States v. Louisville Metro/Jefferson County Government
24-cv-00722 (W.D. Ky.)
On March 8, 2023, following a multi-year investigation, the Civil Rights Division announced its findings that the Louisville Metro/Jefferson County Government and the Louisville Metro Police Department (LMPD) routinely used excessive force; conducted searches based on invalid warrants; unlawfully executed search warrants without knocking and announcing; participated in unlawful stops, searches, and arrests; discriminated against Black people; violated the rights of people engaged in protected speech; and discriminated against people with behavioral health disabilities. Shortcomings in policies, training, supervision, and accountability contributed to the violations. The investigation followed the fatal shooting of Breonna Taylor by LMPD officers in March 2020.
The Division negotiated a consent decree (see fact sheet) with the Louisville Metro Government to remedy the identified violations and announced that it had filed the proposed consent decree in federal court on December 12, 2024. The Division and Louisville Metro Government also entered into an agreement in principle committing to create evaluation tools for each section of the consent decree.
In an about-face, on May 21, 2025, the Division abruptly moved to dismiss the case and withdrew its support of the proposed consent decree. The same day, the Division issued a press release retracting the findings of its investigation. On December 31, 2025, the court granted the motion to dismiss and closed the case.
Read more about this case in Red Line’s Disability section.
Policing Cases Pursued Since January 20, 2025
Red Line does not include every Civil Rights Division case. Learn what Red Line tracks.
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CRIMINAL ENFORCEMENT
Born in Reconstruction. Federal civil rights accountability at its core.
EMPLOYMENT
Equal opportunity at work is essential to economic security, dignity, and full civic participation.
POLICING
The Constitution and federal law exist to protect people from abuses of power—including by those sworn to uphold it.
DISABILITY
Federal civil rights laws guarantee people with disabilities equal participation in community life.
VOTING
The right to vote is foundational to democracy and equal participation in civic life.
HOUSING & GOVERNMENT SERVICES
Where people live and access services shapes opportunity.
EDUCATION
Rooted in Brown v. Board of Education, federal civil rights laws guarantee equal access to education.
LGBTQI+
Protections for LGBTQI+ people in work, education, healthcare, and public life grounded in equality and dignity.
REPRODUCTIVE HEALTHCARE
Protecting access to reproductive healthcare by safeguarding patients, providers, and facilities.
